Port Sudan, June 28(Darfur24)
The share of power held by the parties to the Juba Peace Agreement has sparked widespread controversy in Sudan, after Prime Minister Kamil Idris of a new government consisting of 22 ministers, dubbed the “Government of Hope.”
The peace agreement signed in October 2020 between the Sudanese government and the armed movements granted 25% of the executive authority seats to the Darfur track, in addition to the position of Darfur Regional Governor and a share of the sovereign authority and state governments.
The insistence of the Sudan Liberation Movement-Transitional Council leader Al-Hadi Idris and the head of the Sudan Liberation Forces Alliance, Al-Tahir Hajar, on neutrality led to their removal from the Sovereignty Council.
They were replaced by two leaders who defected from the two factions, before Idris and Hajar joined a coalition led by the Rapid Support Forces.
In contrast, parties to the peace agreement participated in the conflict with the army against the Rapid Support Forces, forming a military alliance called the “Joint Force,” which includes the Sudan Liberation Movement, led by Minni Arko Minawi, the Justice and Equality Movement, led by Gibril Ibrahim, and other movements.
The movements within the Joint Force have increasingly called for their leaders to remain in the positions they held since 2020, including the Ministries of Finance and Minerals. Others are demanding that they be given other ministries.
Blocking the Road to a Resurgence of War
The controversy is growing day by day, as the army commanders, the prime minister, and the leaders of the armed movements have failed to clarify the emerging disagreements, leaving the matter to unofficial speculation and leaks.
Hassan Ibrahim Fadl, Deputy Secretary of Information and official spokesperson for the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), told Darfur 24 that talk of disagreements between the army and the joint force, or of differences regarding political participation, is “an attempt to sow confusion in the Sudanese political landscape.”
He stressed that implementing the peace agreement is “a national duty and necessity that extends beyond its signatory parties to include all Sudanese, however, adherence to it will prevent any return to conflict.”
Fadl stated that the movement categorically rejects any amendment or diminution of the agreement’s provisions, saying, “We are not concerned with any controversy over the participation rates. The agreement is clear, and we adhere to the representation of the parties as stipulated in its provisions.”
He added, “Talk about 25% or anything else does not concern us, and any tampering with any provision is an unacceptable and rejected evasion.”
Fadl stated that the movement’s participation in the government came through an enforceable agreement, noting that “attempts to distort this reality are coming from parties that have been against the agreement from the beginning.”
Fadl confirmed that consultations with the Sovereignty Council and the political forces have not stopped, and the movement continues its meetings and political participation actively. He pointed out that the movement’s leadership was among the first to welcome the appointment of Kamel Idris as Prime Minister, and they met with him more than once in Khartoum and Port Sudan, stressing during those meetings the importance of preserving the peace agreement and implementing it practically.
Consultations Continue
Some leaks indicated that the joint force withdrew from the border triangle between Sudan, Egypt, and Libya this June in the face of an attack by the Rapid Support Forces, refusing to fight until its share of power was clarified.
Hassan Ibrahim Fadl explained that the joint force has not stopped performing its duties on any of the fighting fronts, considering what is being raised to the contrary “mere rumors with no basis in reality.”
He pointed out that the movement’s participation in the fighting stemmed from “a national and moral motive, defending the Sudanese people against killing, destruction, and the violation of their honor,” he said.
Fadl stressed that talk of new understandings regarding participation is “out of the question,” because the agreement “is clear in its requirements and does not require further discussion.” New understandings.”
For his part, Al-Fadil Adam Kaya, political advisor to the head of the Sudan Liberation Movement-Transitional Council, Salah Rasas faction, told Darfur 24 that the Juba Peace Agreement is clear in its provisions, and there are no fundamental disagreements regarding it. He added that consultations are ongoing between the Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and the Prime Minister with all parties to the Juba Peace Agreement.
Kaya explained that the 25% quota allocated to the parties of Juba Peace Agreement in the transitional government was not controversial, and that consultations regarding it took place at the highest levels.
Regarding the distribution of ministries, he explained that the Juba Agreement did not specify specific ministries, and that the Prime Minister has full authority to select ministers. Nominating ministers, however, is the responsibility of the organizations themselves.
He criticized the prolonged tenure of some ministers in their positions, considering this a form of unacceptable empowerment, calling for change and renewal within the leadership.
A Clear Challenge
Mohamed Bashir Abu Namu, a leader in the Sudan Liberation Movement and former Minister of Minerals, made statements clarifying some of the provisions of the agreement.
Abu Namu said that the agreement is based on realistic foundations and partnerships with real forces that have paid a heavy price to achieve peace and stability in Sudan, and not on political quotas or temporary appeasement, as some are promoting.
Elements of the Joint Force in El Fasher
He pointed out that the Darfur track of the agreement included five major armed movements, in addition to the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, led by Malik Agar, which represents the regions of South Kordofan and Blue Nile.
He explained that three movements were later included in the agreement: the Mustafa Tanbour Movement, the Ali Shakoush Movement, and the Tamazuj Movement, with support from the southern mediation and the Sudanese government. These movements were not militarily active before the signing and were not included in the 25% of the authority allocated to the movements that actually signed the agreement.
He explained that the Juba Agreement also included political tracks unrelated to the armed struggle, which were included at the request of the political organizations within the Revolutionary Front at the time, to discuss development issues in the north, center, and east.
He added, “The eastern track was formerly led by Amin Daoud, who was later ousted in favor of Khaled Shawish and Osama Saeed, and the central track was led by Al-Tom Hajo.”
Abu Namu pointed out that the central and northern tracks did not include clear provisions regarding the sharing of power and wealth.